The owner of the nicest restaurant in town doesn't serve alcohol, worried that his pastor would be disappointed if he did. Public schools try to avoid scheduling events on Wednesday evenings, when churches hold Bible study. And Democrats here are a rare and lonely breed.
Older, nearly 100%
white and overwhelmingly Republican, El Dorado Springs is typical of
what is now small-town America. Coffee costs 90 cents at the diner, with
free refills. Two hours north and a world away in Kansas City,
Starbucks charges twice that, and voters routinely elect Democrats.
There
have always been differences between rural and urban America, but they
have grown vast and deep, and now are an underappreciated factor in
dividing the U.S. political system, say politicians and academicians.
Polling, consumer data and demographic
profiles paint a picture of two Americas—not just with differing
proclivities but different life experiences. People in cities are more
likely to be tethered to a smartphone, buy a foreign-made car and read a
fashion magazine. Those in small towns are more likely to go to church,
own a gun, support the military and value community ties.
In
many ways, the split between red Republican regions and blue Democratic
ones—and their opposing views about the role of government—is an
extension of the cultural divide between rural Americans and those
living in cities and suburbs.
As
Democrats have come to dominate U.S. cities, it is Republican strength
in rural areas that allows the party to hold control of the House and
remain competitive in presidential elections.
"The difference in this country is not red versus blue," said Neil
Levesque, director of the New Hampshire Institute of Politics at Saint
Anselm College. "It's urban versus rural."
...The U.S. divide wasn't always this stark.
For decades, rural America was part of the Democratic base, and as
recently as 1993, just over half of rural Americans were represented by a
House Democrat, according to a Wall Street Journal analysis.
Conservative Democrats often represented rural districts, including Ms.
Hartzler's predecessor, Ike Skelton, who held the seat for 34 years
before she ousted him in 2010.
That
parity eventually gave way to GOP dominance. In 2013, 77% of rural
Americans were represented by a House Republican. But in urban
areas—which by the government's definition includes both cities and
suburbs—slightly less than half of residents were represented by
congressional Republicans, despite the GOP's 30-seat majority in the
House.
The urban-rural divide has also grown in presidential contests. In 1992, Democrat
Bill Clinton
beat Republican
George Bush
in the 50 densest counties—the most urban in the country—by 25 percentage points. By 2012, Democrat
Barack Obama's
advantage in those urban counties had shot up to 38 points, according to a Journal analysis of Census and election data.
Today, almost all big cities, even those in red states such as Missouri, Indiana and Texas, favor Democrats for president.
The
shift in rural areas has been even more dramatic. In 1992, Mr. Bush won
the 50 least-dense counties—the most rural in the country—by 18 points.
In 2012, Mr. Romney's advantage there had roughly tripled, to 53
points.
David Wasserman,
who analyzes politics at the Cook Political Report, measures the
change by examining how Democratic presidential candidates performed in
counties with a
Whole Foods
WFM +1.40%
—the upscale grocery store that stocks organic goods—and in
counties with a Cracker Barrel, the homestyle restaurant featuring
chicken n' dumplings.
In 1992, Bill
Clinton won 60% of the Whole Foods counties and 40% of the Cracker
Barrel counties, a 20-point difference. That gap that has widened every
year since, and in 2012, Mr. Obama won 77% of Whole Foods counties and
29% of Cracker Barrel Counties, a 48-point difference.
"Politics hangs on culture and lifestyle more than policy," Mr. Wasserman said.
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