Prerogative power
Self Protection
The Star Chamber(s)
By Stephen L. Wilmeth
The
demeanor of Margaret Byfield is one of confidence and composure.
As one of Wayne and Jean Hage’s
children who grew up in the cauldron of western lands conflict that resulted in
what she terms the most significant Fifth Amendment victory for property owners
in the last two decades, such calmness belies the turmoil of the legal battle waged
for three decades against her family. Rather than being bitter, Margaret
suggests the West is better off with the knowledge gleaned from what transpired
in the Nevada
sage brush flats and mountains of her youth.
Such discussion isn’t unique.
Too many
Americans are realizing they know much more about law today than six years ago.
Likewise, when Federalist Papers are elevated into references and discussed by
opinion, change is occurring.
A well known radio commentator has
even given credit to the fellow who resides at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue (when he is not
fund raising or golfing somewhere) for the extensive reawakening of self-education
of the Constitution. Perhaps that can be tagged to his name and legacy. It
certainly hasn’t been his exemplary adherence to the document that will
emblazon him in our memories or our hearts.
In fact, a
whole new industry is emerging. It encompasses the counter measures being
developed and arrayed against the continuing assault on heritage industries.
Legal practitioners, policy experts, and industry veterans are finding
themselves being asked to craft defensive measures for the protection of those
segments of our society.
Limited
help is coming from any form of government. In fact, the contrary is the norm.
There is little indication that government is arrayed with the founding
cornerstone … the tax paying Americans who have been treated with willful
disregard.
Prerogative power
In constitutional
study, the realization that scripture reminding us what has been will be again, what has been done will be done again;
there is nothing new under the sun (Eccl 1:9) imparts a dynamic, living
context to the document. The Framers didn’t just wake up with new ideas to be
woven into the concept. The discussions were based upon past tyrannical insults
on human beings with the intention of limiting the evils of arbitrary power in
the future.
Philip
Hamburger, Columbia
Law School,
gives an excellent background in what we are witnessing today in the expansion
of administrative overreach. It was exactly what the Hage family faced and what
Margaret Byfield’s father based his defense.
In the Hamburger speech, “The
History and Danger of Administrative Law”, the implication there is nothing new under the sun comes clearly
into view. The Constitution was the consolidation of defenses that spanned the
history of mankind, but became more modernistic in their interpretation
starting in eleventh century England.
A stepwise course took place that
addressed human abuses and converted protections into law, but time and again
efforts were made by kings and their agents to reverse the process. They
attempted to circumvent the laws that created roadblocks in their ongoing
temptations of power. As binding power was achieved in the protection of basic
human rights, the ensconced ruling class responded by issuing proclamations and
decrees whereby renewing the same old tyrannical societal controls through
administrative power … prerogative power.
The Constitution arose to forbid
such tyrannical retrenchment.
The Star Chamber
A revealing parallel between the
federal agencies today and the excesses of the king’s prerogative courts can be
traced to the Star Chamber. The Star Chamber was an English Administrative
Court of Law housed within the Palace
of Westminster. It
evolved apart from parliament and arose from meetings of the King’s Council.
The King argued it had to exist in order to assure adjudication of actions
against the wealthy that the common courts wouldn’t prosecute. The members of
parliament observed the proceedings with their mouths open and their eyes
rolling around in their heads similarly to congressional actions toward modern agency
expansion.
What it was and what it was
revealed to be was a political weapon. The judgments were often arbitrary and
subjective. Its flexibility and independence approached unlimited power.
Brandishing increasing and
unchecked power, the privy councilors not only imposed punishment that was
professed to be the letter of the law, but actions against what was
subjectively deemed morally reprehensible apart from the law. The outcome was a
juggernaut of layered sentencing as testimony was extracted from the
defendants. It became a weapon of immense power abuse.
During the eleven year rule of
Charles I, it even became the proxy for parliament when Charlie concluded he
didn’t need that body to rule England
in the manner he deemed appropriate. The judgments became so inventive
Archbishop Laud had William Prynne hauled out of the chamber to be branded on
both cheeks for seditious libel. Anything short of death was acceptable, but
the truth remains death was probably tolerated because no single leader had the
ability to alter the course of the extra governmental body.
In 1641, the Star Chamber was finally
abolished.
Its recurring existence
Hamburger sets forth the existence
of the same extra governmental expansion of our system in the form of agency
creation.
The floodgates were cracked and the
rise of age old absolutism in American was spawned in 1887 when Congress
created the Interstate Commerce Commission. His words lead you to believe the
stepwise expansion of agencies accelerated the temptation to assume power
administratively by issuing regulations and policy. These actions were no
different and much more expansive than the writs and decrees issued from the
gloomy and dank offices of the King’s men of the Middle Ages.
He details the expansion of
executive power through extra and supra legal powers as well as the
consolidation of powers. From the extra legal powers, agencies are binding the
American system not through laws or statutes but through rules and regulations.
It is from the supra legal power that judges are expected to defer, and it is
through the consolidation of power that the three pillars of our government (legislative,
executive, and judicial) are expected to unite to defer absolute power back to
the King, or in our case, his proxy.
When an agency like the EPA can
threaten to charge a couple $10,000 a day for the construction of a home they
intend to build on land that was transacted legally and in good faith but
happens to be placed into some wet lands classification, all procedural rights
guaranteed in the Constitution must be considered shredded. Try to find a
fundamental law that prescribes such prerogative judgment.
Such action can only be judged as
the commandeering of absolute power through illegal delegation of legislative
power which the Constitution expressly prohibits. As seen in the case of the EPA, the agencies
can subject Americans to Star Chamber courts without real judges, without
juries, and without constitutional authority. The very fact the courts support
such action is symptomatic of the similarly illegal consolidation of powers
that was fundamental in the crafting of the Constitution and the ultimate
defense of its existence in the American Revolution.
We have a problem folks.
It is not a matter of identifying
the chasms of evil that prompted the historical evolution of law that promoted
human decency. Rather, it is now the federal and systemic dismantling of the
document that set forth prescribed defenses of those very protections.
We have multiple Star Chambers.
They exist in governmental fiefdoms
whose managers were once agents of the federal government, but have become
agents unto themselves. Not content to operate within the framework of the
Constitution they are operating with the same independence of their prerogative
bound counterpart of the Dark Ages.
The Solution
Left unto themselves, federal
agencies will continue to consolidate power. There is no difference in them and
the inquisitional processes of the Star Chamber. There is no self correction.
The courts provide no recourse,
either. Agency issued regulations have the force of law. The
course must be to simply defund the prerogative power of the modern crown, particularly
the agencies assuming legislative powers within the federal government, and …
elect leaders who can actually pass a constitutional exam.
Stephen
L. Wilmeth is a rancher from southern New
Mexico. “Pleading the 5th comes directly
from the horrors of the Star Chamber where multiple indictments could accumulate
as witness testimony proceeded. Indeed … there is nothing new under the sun.”
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