by A. Barton Hinkle |
Two hundred and twenty-five years ago this month, Virginia ratified the
Bill of Rights, thereby enshrining its 10 Amendments in the
Constitution. The official anniversary, 10 days ago, was noted here and
there, but it did not get the sort of celebration it deserved: something
like the Fourth of July and Mardi Gras and Christmas all rolled into one.
...You hear a lot of fiery argument over those particulars. What you
don't ever hear is somebody suggesting that we ditch the Bill of Rights
altogether.
And that is a marvelous thing, because the Bill of Rights embodies
two notions that, in world-historical terms, are almost unheard of. The
first notion is that government simply cannot do certain things. At the
time—and, sadly, even today—that is a profoundly radical notion.
Yet to some Founders, the Bill of Rights was not radical enough. In Federalist No. 84,
Alexander Hamilton argues that "bills of rights ... are not only
unnecessary in the proposed Constitution, but would even be dangerous.
They would contain various exceptions to powers not granted; and, on
this very account, would afford a colorable pretext to claim more than
were granted. For why declare that things shall not be done which there
is no power to do? Why, for instance, should it be said that the liberty
of the press shall not be restrained, when no power is given by which
restrictions may be imposed?"
As Hamilton saw it—and as the Tenth Amendment makes plain—Congress
had no power to do anything not specifically enumerated in Article I.
(The claim that the general-welfare clause grants the power to do
whatever Congress considers good is a dodge; as Hamilton pointed out in Federalist No. 83,
"The plan of the convention declares that the power of Congress ...
shall extend to certain enumerated cases. This specification of
particulars evidently excludes all pretension to a general legislative
authority, because an affirmative grant of special powers would be
absurd, as well as useless, if a general authority was intended.")
The other radical notion embodied in the Bill of Rights is the principle of live-and-let-live. As Thomas Jefferson put it,
"The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are
injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbour to say
there are twenty gods, or no god. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks
my leg."
Your inalienable rights trump every competing consideration—law and
order, national security, economic equality, aesthetic preference,
religious belief—except one: the inalienable rights of somebody else.
And even when someone tries to subordinate individual rights to lesser
values, they pretend that's not what they're doing.
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