De-Americanization of America
The Real Robber Barons
Altered truths
By Stephen L. Wilmeth
As the massive farm bill is debated, the rhetoric
of condescension toward the folks who actually produce food is being ratcheted
upward. Word is out all of us capitalistic agricultural cronies are siphoning
the public trough dry.
What is
revealing about the issue is not the tedious, poisonous attack. What is
interesting is the new number. There are now 210,000 full time farms and
ranches that are producing 80% of our food and fiber. Somebody has come up with
an excellent reference to this new reality. The “thin green line”, the
legitimate green wave, is trending toward translucency as it is held up against
the backdrop of this nation.
Groups like
the Environmental Working Group, one of those favored progressive 501C3 groups,
are out there crying foul about the subsidy money these “thin green linemen”
are making. What they don’t mention is for every dollar spent by Americans on
food only $.12 goes to a farmer, and, for every dollar spent through the Farm
Bill, .$.80 goes to social programs.
The hypocrisy is these environmental
courtiers exist solely off coerced transfers. They certainly don’t peddle a
good or a service that can be touched, tasted, or eaten.
If this
character predation ranting is genetic, what other historical conclusions have been
contorted?
Brilliance of spirit
Let’s start
with the educational process.
American history was thrown at us without
expectation of critical thinking. The more we learn the more we recognize
widespread historical editing. We didn’t learn enough from or about our
Founders and Framers, and some of the most profound observations didn’t come
from Americans. Many foreigners were insightful judges of our character.
American
history should start with a chapter of Alexis de Tocqueville. A French jurist, de Tocqueville visited us in
1831. He came away with a view of America that is largely forgotten
today. He was flabbergasted at the ability of “primitive and wild” pioneers to discuss
with authority their young nation’s past, the workings of the Constitution, and
the promises of its future. Regarding this he wrote, “I do not think that so
much intellectual activity exists in the most enlightened and populous
districts in France .”
His
conclusions came from the importance great expectations played in the American
psyche. He admired the spirit of Americans who penetrated the wilderness with
nothing more than a “Bible, an axe, and some newspapers.” An intimate
relationship existed between that pioneer, natural law, and the preservation of
freedom.
He was
fascinated, too, by the power of the American pulpit without appointed governmental
roles. He concluded the American revolutionist had such a profound respect for
Christian morality, he was self driven to avoid actions that were rash and
unjust. Who today would even suggest such a thing?
Finally, he
was intrigued with the education of the New England
states. He believed the American spirit that gushed forth was made stronger by
the rarified attitude of what was being taught in those schools.
“Every
citizen receives the elementary notions of human knowledge; He is taught,
moreover, the documents and the evidences of this religion, the history of his
country, and the leading features of its Constitution.”
Particularly,
in the states of Connecticut
and Massachusetts
something special was happening.
“… it is
extremely rare,” he wrote, “to find a man imperfectly acquainted with all these
things, and a person wholly ignorant of them is a sort of phenomenon.”
Who were
the Americans of that time? Did something special happen from an outgrowth of
such a unique spirit?
American giants
A marker
date, 1861, shall be used. That was the date Lincoln called American youth forward to march
to their deaths for his cause. A subset of those young men, largely under 30, is
impressive. Philip Armour, Andrew Carnegie, Jim Fisk, Jay Gould, James Hill,
J.P. Morgan, and John Rockefeller were in their ‘20s. Jay Cooke, Collis
Huntington and Leland Stanford were in their ‘30s.
Most of
them came directly from the de Tocqueville model. Huntington and Morgan were
Connecticut Yankees by birth while Gould and Cooke were descendents from the
state. Fisk was the son of a Vermont
peddler. Carnegie and Hill were descendents of Scottish traders.
We know
them through our history books as villains, cheats, and ruthless capitalists
who raped and pillaged their way to riches.
The truth is all but Morgan grew up
in poverty. All but Carnegie could be deemed puritanical and pious. Only Fisk was
prone to drinking and weaknesses of the flesh. All demonstrated a
precociousness of independence. Huntington
left home at 14. Carnegie was fully employed by age 13.
Gould came from a poor farming
family in New York .
Frail, he dreaded the freezing mornings when he walked barefooted to milk cows.
By age 12, he was teaching himself geometry and the complexity of logarithms.
That foundation would serve him well when he was building railroads.
Only one of them, Morgan, had a
silver spoon education. The rest were limited and or largely self taught. It is
interesting to recognize Morgan was the tardiest of the group to engage his
talents in empire building. All the others were well on their way to first
fortunes before age 30. That phenomenon consistently reoccurs in true giants of
any industry. Formal education has a dampening affect on real ingenuity and
ultra success. Historically, extended
education tends to instill in the student one dominant trait … the propensity
to defer independence and work for another man.
Every one of them was prudent and
methodical to the extreme. Generally, they were discreet, strong willed, and
supremely self disciplined. Shouldn’t such traits be emulated and admired?
Our educational system taught us to
hate their names. They were profiled as complicit with greed, self serving, and
wicked. They became known as the Robber Barons. In truth, they were supremely
courageous, brilliant Americans who redefined civilization.
The real Robber Barons
Of those giants, John Rockefeller
is the easiest to profile. He came from New
York . He was greatly influenced by his mother. He was
a devout Baptist who served the Lord and pursued his intricately defined goals
unremittingly. He spent essentially nothing on himself for years. He trained
one year as a bookkeeper. By 16, he was the steward of books for a produce
merchant on the docks in Cleveland .
By age 19, he was a partner in a grain commission company. By age 23, he sold
his holdings in the latter and entered the oil business. His genius injected
technologies unknown to the history of man along with a degree of stability into
the industry not just in the United
States , but in the world.
In every reference, there is the
obligatory mandate to condemn him by those who have no idea of the genius and
the courage it took to do what he did. They were not with him in those days
when he would retire to his bed to read his Bible and talk to his pillow
regarding ideas that swirled in his head. Similarly, they weren’t with him when
he assumed huge risk and the threat of failure in pursuing those ideas.
The irony is his critics are the
benefactors. Rockefeller left 550 million pre-WWII dollars to various charities.
From those foundations and others like them came the modern anti-capitalistic
groups. They are aligned under the banner of environmentalism.
Similar stories abound in the
banking, meat, railroad, and the steel businesses.
The railroad business is the best
example. History books vilify the risk takers. What they don’t divulge is the
complicity of congressman who continuously offered up American treasure for the
pursuit of that category’s business goals.
In a short review, at least 158,293,000
acres of public lands were deeded by the federal government to the railroad
developers to finance and secure various links. Along with those property rights went the
underlying mineral rights. Coal, copper, oil, gold, and stone under them went
along with the timber and surface rights.
One of the so called “railroad
senators”, Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts
defended such actions. He said, “I give
no grudging vote in giving away either money or land. I would sink $100,000,000
to build the road and do it most cheerfully, and think done a great thing for
my country. What are $75,000,000 or $100,000,000 in opening a railroad across
regions of this continent, that shall connect the people of the Atlantic and the Pacific, and bind us together … nothing!
As to the land, I don’t begrudge them.”
Why did he not begrudge them? Was
he really so patriotic?
What Wilson failed to mention was the fact that,
in every federal project of magnitude, he and many other elected
representatives just happened to be committed investors.
Patriotism my patute’ … they wanted
to make sure their contrived investments succeeded!
Stephen
L. Wilmeth is a rancher from southern New
Mexico . “Giants of industry do share an inevitable
weakness. They suffer from being human like the rest of us.”
No comments:
Post a Comment