The cornerstone
Utah’s Transfer of Public Lands Act
The matter of disposal
By Stephen L. Wilmeth
When the
U.S. Department of Interior can be quoted as saying “(Utah’s Transfer of Public Lands Act) is nothing more than a political stunt”,
Americans must be profoundly concerned.
The Framers
and Founders had a different view of private property. Jefferson’s
preference of “life, liberty, and property” reflects something much different.
I am a
member of the body of citizens who believe the Constitution was written with
the intent an engaged and sovereign citizenry can read and understand it. This
belief is driven by conviction, but history is dotted with references that
describe that very thing. The Frenchman, Alexis de Tocqueville, came away from
his American visit awestruck by the young nation’s common frontier citizenry’s
understanding and defense of their founding document. Those families may not
have had much, but they could read their Bibles and they could debate the fine
points of their Constitution.
As such, I will
submit the matter of federal land disposal, honored and carried out in each
state east of the 100th Meridian,
is not some esoteric debate or period oversight. Neither is it a silent constitutional
issue with missing phrasing that must be deducted by legal scholars and case
law. Rather, it is there and represented in chosen words.
The revolutionary cornerstone
The Enclave
Clause and the Property Clause are the extent of the Constitution’s references
to the matter of public lands. Those lands, lands acquired by the federal
government variously, were the very vehicle to vest the new cornerstone, the
sovereign citizen, in the American experiment.
The concept
was revolutionary.
Never
before in history had such an idea been promulgated much less acted upon. The
idea was completely contrary to anything known, and, yet, it was the most
simplistic act of dignity ever offered. It was the ultimate gift of human
respect and courtesy.
In the
powers granted to Congress (Article I, Section 8), the Enclave Clause [17] set
forth the authority to establish a legislative district (District of Columbia), and, with that
states’ approval, the purchase of properties for the purpose of erection of
forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and needful buildings. The actual words
were [17] To exercise exclusive
Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten
Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the acceptance of
Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to
exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the
Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts,
Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards and other needful Buildings;
In the
relationship of the federal government to the states (Article IV, Section 3),
the Property Clause (2) gave the federal government the authority to dispose of
property and make all “needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory
or other property belonging to the United States”. The actual words
were [2] The Congress shall have Power to
dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory
or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this
Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice and Claims of the United
States, or any particular State.
The pragmatic underpinnings
Unlike the
elected leaders of today, the Founders had a great aversion to debt. That,
along with the elevated roll in the sovereign citizen’s property right, formed
the bookend tenets for accelerating the disposal of the public lands.
The young nation’s war debt in 1791
was $75,463,476. That was a huge amount of debt for the fledgling republic. The
matter of disposal, therefore, took a prescribed bifurcated course. The sale of
the land was used to reduce the debt, and, at the same time, relied upon to
accelerate the economy in the hands of the citizenry through enterprise
development, the collection of taxes, and the creation of wealth. The sovereign
citizen was the driver and the goal was to create a vested citizenry that was
self reliant and industrious.
In an approach foreign to today’s
societal standards, the sale of the land was not predicated on extracting the
highest price. Rather, it was driven by what price point it took to trigger the
purchases.
Andrew Jackson played a pivotal
roll in maintaining the integrity of that intent into the 19th
century. He gave us the best understanding of the foregoing in a message to Congress
when he referenced the benefit to new states and the union when “… the price of these lands shall be reduced
and graduated, and that after they have been offered for a certain number of
years the refuse remaining unsold shall be abandoned to the states …”
In other words, it wasn’t what Congress
could extract from the citizenry that was most important. It was what price
point it took to accelerate the private placement of the lands in order to
reduce debt and stimulate the economy.
Hasn’t the mentality of the elected
leadership of our nation changed completely?
Disposal high jacked
President Jackson’s tenure must
also be described as a watershed period in our history in the matter of
disposal of public lands, but the change wasn’t his intention. On the contrary,
he was staunchly opposed to any alteration of what had become a compact based
duty to dispose of such lands. His stance supported the 1780 congressional
resolution which was structured around the words “… (public lands) shall be disposed of for the common benefit
of the United States
…”
In fact, he threatened a pocket
veto of legislation that reneged on the compact duty to dispose of lands for
the reduction of debt and the acceleration of state economies when funds from
land sales were going to be diverted into certain general federal purposes
rather than promises made to the states.
His words in that address clearly
underwrite the dilemma western states have too long experienced. “… it can not be supposed the compacts intended
that the United States should retain forever a title to lands within the States
…,” he said.
The Jackson era may actually have contributed to
the lapse in Congressional discipline in adhering to the compact standard when
national debt is scrutinized. If a president is judged solely on retirement of
national debt, Jackson
must be characterized as the best of all presidents. The national debt in the
last year of his presidency stood at $37,733, the lowest outstanding national
debt in the nation’s history.
As a result, the question must be
asked. Was the absence of debt a motivating factor that swayed Congress to
alter its long standing adherence to disposal of public lands? If that proved
to be true, we must surmise the adherence to the matching bookend standard, the
self reliant citizen, was neglected. If that was the case, the matter of the
cornerstone of the experiment was starting to suffer from the self imposed
importance of congressional leadership and … the attrition of originalist,
indefatigable presidents.
The modern corollary
The western states, states west of the 100th
Meridian,
became states in the decadence of the disposal era of public lands. Regardless
of the language in their enabling legislation reflecting prior generation state
entries, the equal footing offered to eastern states was denied.
There are huge economic
consequences.
In the landmark action taking root
in Utah for
the relinquishment of federal claims to title of their lands, legal arguments
and public education are being pursued with steadfast patience. One of their
arguments is the premise their enabling legislation wasn’t a one sided
agreement whereby the state gave up all its rights for the privilege of
statehood. On the contrary, legislation was a bilateral contractual agreement
meaning the federal government has a responsibility as well as the state. In no
stretch of the imagination would the state have disclaimed all rights set forth
in the legislation with no corresponding duty of the federal government to
dispose of the public lands similarly to earlier state entries into the Union.
Utah entered on the basis of the backdrop of
an ethic of disposal. They were counting on many things which included the legislative
covenant of the receipt of 5% of the lands sales upon such disposal.
History, contract based theory, general
principles of Federalism, the Pollard-based interpretation of the Property
Clause and the resulting Equal Footing Doctrine in the cession of Alabama to
the United States to satisfy Revolutionary War debt, and other case law are all
being used to make the case, but the paradigmatic shift toward federal land
retention has long been the prevailing model.
Remember the original intent. The
reduction of debt and acceleration of the economy by empowering the American
citizen remain … the most simplistic and sincere blessings of liberty.
Stephen L. Wilmeth is a rancher from southern New Mexico. “In no
reasonable leap of faith or learned discourse does the Constitution extend
authority to Congress to retain 61% of the state lands west of 100th
Meridian.”
For more information on transferring public lands, including some excellent videos, see American Lands Council.
For more information on transferring public lands, including some excellent videos, see American Lands Council.
3 comments:
Mr. Wilmeth misses the point. When discussing private property rights issues, it is important to remember that property rights are not absolute but, instead, a function of what society is willing to acknowledge, defend, and enforce in our democratic society. The relationship between the rights of the individual and the rights of the community have been in constant flux throughout American history. It will likely continue to change in the future. Mr. Wilmeth's discussion of these shifting relationships is just as polarizing and controversial as Utah's proposed bizarre Federal land transfer. Unfortunately Mr. Wilmeth has a lack of a real historical perspective ignoring the changes since the 18th century.
I received this in my email, from Judy Keeler:
Dear Anonymous,
I think Mr. Wilmeth has a better handle on American history than you. Maybe you'd benefit from reading Alexis de Tocqueville's thesis on what made Americans more prosperous and successful than our sister Europeans.
Personally, I like a quote from Arthur Young's "Travels" written in 1787 that sums up my strong belief in property rights: "Give a man the secure possession of bleak rock, and he will turn it into a garden; give him a nine years lease of a garden, and he will convert it to a desert..... The magic of property turns sand into gold."
Socialism has never served the "people" in any nation it has been tried. A republican form of government has served our nation well until the supremacy concept grew roots throughout our federal government.
If we do not learn from history, we are doomed to repeat it!!
Anonymous seems to be arguing that the whims of an ever-changing democratic society take precedent over the supreme law of the Republic. The Founders gave us the Constitution they did partly to avoid that very thing. That Constitution clearly delineates the functions of the Federal Government and left all others to the individual states. No where in that document or among its amendments will one find any provision for making arbitrary and random changes, even though every administration and congress of late have illegally circumvented its intent without going through the proper process. Neither will one find any provision enabling the Federal Government to currently own 28 percent of the U.S. land mass, or to own or directly control the nearly 50 percent called for in the UN’s Global Biodiversity Assessment. What one will find in Article V of our Constitution is the prohibition of taking ‘private’ property without just compensation. Perhaps Anonymous could better understand the government’s precarious legal footing relative to land, water and structures thief by reading a well written and cited white paper entitled ‘Jurisdiction is the Solution’ at: http://www.defendruralamerica.com/files/Jurisdiction.pdf
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