John Yoo, Harmeet Dhillon
As losses mount throughout the economy due to the coronavirus
quarantines, President Trump suggested that he wants the nation “to be
opened up and just raring to go by Easter.” He has since stepped away
from that proposal and issued guidelines that lockdowns stay in place
until the end of April. But Trump still seems to be more optimistic
than many state governors in his hope that the U.S. will return to
normal economic activity sooner rather than later.
But even if Trump were to issue a declaration re-opening American
businesses, a nationwide compliance would remain beyond his power. The
Constitution’s system of federalism reserves the authority to lift the
quarantine orders in the same people who issued them in the first place:
the state governors.
Because state government sits closer to the people, we can and should
demand more immediate transparency and accountability of our officials
for these draconian, potentially devastating policies. They may impede
the spread of the disease, but we cannot tell if this comes at an
acceptable cost because neither governors Gavin Newsom nor Andrew Cuomo
have explained how they made the cost-benefit trade-off involved. They
risk judicial intervention or, ultimately, popular rejection, should
they continue to keep shutting down their economies without justified
benefits.
Richard Epstein, a Hoover scholar and friend, has come under fire for his claim
that public health officials have overestimated the rate of infection
and the lethality of the coronavirus. Regardless of Epstein’s theory of
why the spread of the virus will slow, the underlying truth of his
argument remains: stopping the spread of disease balances lives
potentially saved against the economic losses from the lockdowns.
...Lockdown critics might also point to the fact that the states
imposing the most draconian suspensions of civil liberties – the rights
to travel, congregate, or use property, enjoy due process before the
loss of your business or livelihood – have a mixed record when it comes
to public safety. California has the highest homeless population in the
nation, with over 100,000 living on the streets in squalid conditions
that lend themselves to disease outbreaks, including hepatitis, typhus,
and others. A lack of public trust as to the consistency of the
government’s public health intervention may undermine confidence in the
current orders.
This is a good area where the law can step in. Lawsuits could
challenge the government to explain itself and to even compensate
business losses for panicked decisions. The Takings Clause of the
Constitution, for example, requires just compensation when the state
takes private property for public purposes. If Newsom or Cuomo
commandeer hotel rooms to convert into makeshift hospital rooms, the
states would have to pay the market rate. On the other hand, if the
state has to close restaurants that fail health and safety codes, they
do not.
Statewide lockdowns test these principles and would demand that state
governors explain themselves. A restaurant or nail salon shut down by
the lockdown orders is not inherently a threat to public health or
safety. It is as if the governors commandeered all of these private
spaces because people might congregate there and – they believe – spread
the virus. If the state forbids private property owners from using
their land for a reasonable, lawful purpose, it must compensate the
owners for sacrificing for the public good.
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