On the most recent episode of Amicus,
Dahlia Lithwick assembled a panel of legal luminaries to pore over the
Supreme Court term that came to a close last week. One of the cases
discussed by the panelists—Berkeley Law dean Erwin Chemerinsky, Fordham
University Law School professor Zephyr Teachout, and Slate writer Mark
Joseph Stern—was McGirt v. Oklahoma, the landmark decision
about tribal lands in Oklahoma that hasn’t gotten a lot of attention.
Read a transcript of that part of their conversation, which has been
edited and condensed for clarity, below.
Dahlia Lithwick: Can we talk about McGirt,
because it’s another case that’s going to fly under the radar, I fear,
and it is quite an astounding tour de force by Justice Neil Gorsuch, who
seems to have a real deep understanding and affinity for Native
American tribal land rights. Can somebody talk us through it?
Erwin Chemerinsky:
What’s involved here is a very large part of Eastern Oklahoma that’s
traditionally been tribal land. It’s covered by a treaty with the tribe.
And the question is whether a tribal member can be prosecuted in state
court—in this case, it was a prosecution for murder—or whether, pursuant
to a federal statute and the treaty, the prosecution has to be in
federal court. And the Supreme Court, 5–4, said, In light of the treaty and the federal statute, the prosecution has to be in federal court.
This
has enormous implications, at least for Eastern Oklahoma, because it’s
going to then mean that tribal members are going to have to be
prosecuted in federal court for all of their crimes. I think the
interesting question is going to be where else are there treaties like
this?
The
only thing I’d add here is Congress could change that federal statute
and then return these cases to state court. And that’s a point that
Gorsuch made in his opinion as well.
Gorsuch’s concluding paragraph in McGirt
says, “The federal government promised the Creek a reservation in
perpetuity. Over time, Congress has diminished that reservation. It has
sometimes restricted and other times expanded the Tribe’s authority. But
Congress has never withdrawn the promised reservation. As a result,
many of the arguments before us today follow a sadly familiar pattern.
Yes, promises were made, but the price of keeping them has become too
great, so now we should just cast a blind eye. We reject that thinking.
If Congress wishes to withdraw its promises, it must say so. Unlawful
acts, performed long enough and with sufficient vigor, are never enough
to amend the law. To hold otherwise would be to elevate the most brazen
and long-standing injustices over the law, both rewarding wrong and
failing those in the right.” Holy cow. I think a lot of my friends who
do Indian law would say, Thank God for that statement. It’s
been a long time coming. Mark, do you want to talk for a second about
Gorsuch and why it is that this is a soft spot for him?
Mark Joseph Stern:
I don’t know if I have an answer to why, but it’s certainly a pattern
we’ve seen. And in fact, when Gorsuch was nominated to the Supreme
Court, some of his biggest boosters were tribes, because they looked at
his record on the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals and saw
that he had a very strong record on tribal rights and respecting
reservations and holding the government to its promise and treaties with
Indian tribes. And I think they made a good bet there because Gorsuch
has consistently joined with the four liberals on tribal cases, this
case included. This decision was no surprise.
And I’m not entirely sure why. Perhaps it’s because he’s a Westerner,
and he is very much a self-styled Westerner, right? We know that Gorsuch
loves to present himself as a man of the West in all ways and with
great authenticity. But he writes about tribal rights the way that
Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote about gay rights or the way that Justice
Ruth Bader Ginsburg writes about reproductive rights. He obviously has
extraordinary sympathy for these tribes, particularly those that have
been screwed over by the government. And I think this kind of sits at
the heart of his textualist jurisprudence, where he gets to read these
treaties that the government made and say, Hey, we see that the U.S.
government has been violating these treaties for 100-plus years. We get
that the government wants to keep doing that, but you guys signed a
contract and you need to stick to your word. And that is a very
powerful idea that has been unfortunately foreign to the Supreme Court
for many years. I don’t know that we’ve had a five-justice majority as
sympathetic to tribal rights as we have today ever in the history of the
Supreme Court. LINK
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